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^ 日本の近世〈第１巻〉世界史のなかの近世、朝尾直弘、中央公論新社（1991/07), pp. 108-118
^ 日本キリスト教史、1990、五野井 隆史、ISBN 978-4642072878, pp. 203-205
^ Handbook of Christianity in Japan / edited by Mark R. Mullins. p. cm. ? (Handbook of oriental studies, Section 5, Japan ; v. 10) ISBN 90-04-13156-6 I. Japan?Church history. I. Series. pp. 251-252, "A more antagonistic dynamic between Shinto and Christianity in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries is more easily identified. Early evidence is to be found, for example, in Hideyoshi's expulsion edict of 1587 and his 1591 letter to the Governor General of Goa (Gonoi 1990, 150n1). In both, Hideyoshi deploys Shinto symbolism to justify the expulsion from Japan of Christianity and its missionaries. Item 1 of the edict reads: Japan is the Land of the Gods. Diffusion here from the Kirishitan Country of a pernicious doctrine is most undesirable. His 1591 letter begins in the same vein. The fact is that our land is the land of the godsioand then proceeds to an exposition of what Takagi Shysaku (1993) has identified as Yoshida Shinto theories of the origins of the universe. Asao Naohiro has observed that Hideyoshi was consciously constructing the idea of Japan as land of the gods as a counter and response to the idea of Europe as land of the Christian God. Ieyasu's letters to the Governor General of the Philippines in 1604 and the Governor General of Mexico in 1612 articulate the same ideas about Christianity's incompatibility with Japan as shinkoku, the land of the gods (Asao 1991, 108n18; Gonoi 1990, 203n5). More research needs to be done on this linkage between the Christian proscription and Shinto ideas, but it would not be surprising, given the nature of the nativistic dynamic, if counter-Christian concerns were somewhere present in the anxiety of both Hideyoshi and Ieyasu to have themselves deified and venerated after their deaths. "
^ a b Sources of Japanese Tradition, vol. 2, 1600 to 2000, edited by Wm. Theodore de Bary, Carol Gluck, and Arthur E. Tiedemann, New York: Columbia University Press, 2005. pp. 169-170
^ a b Guillaume, Xavier. “Misdirected Understandings: Narrative Matrices in the Japanese Politics of Alterity Toward the West.” Contemporary Japan, Volume 15, Issue 1. Japanstudien: Jahrbuch des Deutschen Instituts fur Japanstudien 15 (2003): p. 99.
^ a b 海老沢有道『キリシタン南蛮文学入門』教文館, 1991. pp. 253-256
^ a b 狭間芳樹『日本及び中国におけるイエズス会の布教方策 : ヴァリニャーノの「適応主義」をめぐって』アジア ・ キリスト教 ・ 多元性 3, (March 2005), pp.63-65
^ a b Sansom, George Bailey, Sir (1965). The Western world and Japan. CHaddon Craftsmen, Inc. p. 129. ""From his standpoint as a dispotic ruler he (=Hideyoshi) was undoubtedly right to regard Christian propaganda as subversive, for no system can survive unchanged once the assumptions upon which it is based are undermined. However high their purpose, what the Jesuits were doing, in Japan as well as in India and China, was to challenge a national tradition and through it the existing political structure. This last is an animal that always defends itself when attacked, and consequently Hideyoshi's reaction, however deplorable, was to be expected and does not seem to need any fuller explanation.""
^ a b c d e f La colonia de japoneses en Manila en el marco de las relaciones de Filipinas y Japon en los siglos XVI y XVII, Jose Eugenio Borao Mateo, Revista anual de Literatura, Pensamiento e Historia, Metodologia de la Ensenanza del Espanol como Lengua Extranjera y Linguistica de la Confederacion Academica Nipona, Espanola y Latinoamericana, ISSN 1344-9109, No. 17, 2005, pags. 25-53, "Con ocasion de la llegada de los barcos de Matsuura de Hirado (1585) y de Ohmura de Nagasaki (1586), los japoneses que aun permanecian en Cagayan asi como muchos de Lingayen, se desplazaron a Manila. Las primeras relaciones entre espanoles y japoneses de Manila estuvieron marcadas por el recelo. Por un lugar estaban las sospechas sobre los verdaderos motivos de la llegada de barcos japoneses, ya que ello no casaba demasiado con la promulgacion del decreto de expulsion de misioneros cristianos en 1587, es decir, de los jesuitas portugueses venidos de Macao. Ciertamente, el decreto no tuvo grandes consecuencias, ya que los misioneros disminuyeron sus apariciones publicas, e Hideyoshi se dio por satisfecho. Pero, las sospechas en Manila se agravaron con los dos barcos que llegaron en 1587. En el primero de ellos, perteneciente al japones Joan Gayo, la tripulacion resulto sospechosa de complicidad en una insurreccion de nativos, liderada por Agustin Legazpi. Algunos fueron arrestados y, en particular, el interprete japones Dionisio Fernandez fue ajusticiado el 13 de junio del ano siguiente (1588)8. El segundo barco, de Matsuura de Hirado, llego el 15 de julio con armas y provisiones. Aunque el capitan del barco llevaba un mensaje de buena voluntad de su senor Matsuura y de su hermano, cuyo nombre cristiano era Gaspar, esta vez los espanoles tomaron precauciones y los 40 marineros de la tripulacion fueron atendidos por la iglesia de Manila y tras acabar sus negocios se marcharon."
^ a b c d e La colonia de japoneses en Manila en el marco de las relaciones de Filipinas y Japon en los siglos XVI y XVII, Jose Eugenio Borao Mateo, Revista anual de Literatura, Pensamiento e Historia, Metodologia de la Ensenanza del Espanol como Lengua Extranjera y Linguistica de la Confederacion Academica Nipona, Espanola y Latinoamericana, ISSN 1344-9109, No. 17, 2005, pags. 25-53, "En 1589, fueron 30 o 40 japoneses los que llegaron a Manila. Iban con vestimenta de peregrinos, para visitar las iglesias del pais. Llevaban rosarios en el cuello y se movian con gran penitencia. Anduvieron 15 leguas alrededor de Manila y sus esteros, reconociendolo todo. No se les molesto y se acabaron marchando. El gobernador fue de los que creyo a posteriori que habian venido en mision de espionaje, y con los datos que hubieran obtenido, tras contrastarlos con los de otros de los comerciantes, “se [habria] conocido en Japon la riqueza y la flaqueza de los naturales y la gente espanola que habia para defender las Islas”9. Era el inicio del expansionismo de Hideyoshi10, y los espanoles pensaron que tambien podrian ser objeto de un ataque japones, y, en prevision de ello, Gomez Perez Dasmarinas dio instrucciones, a principios de 1592, para preparar la defensa. Una de las medidas adoptadas fue congregar a todos los japoneses residentes de Manila en un barrio extramuros, el de Dilao, confiscarles sus armas y limitar su libre movilidad por la ciudad. La medida no parecia vana, a juzgar por las embajadas de Japon que llegaron a continuacion a Manila."
^ a b c d 「Handbook of Christianity in Japan / edited by Mark R. Mullins. p. cm. ? (Handbook of oriental studies, Section 5, Japan ; v. 10) ISBN 90-04-13156-6 I. Japan?Church history. I. Series. p. 9-11
^ a b c Never Imagine Yourself to be Otherwise: Filipino Image of Japan over the Centuries, Elpidio STA. ROMANA and Ricardo T. JOSE, Asian Studies 29 (1991), pp. 67-68, "In 1591, a Japanese named Harada Magoshichiro was reported to have studied parts of the Philippines and recommended that Hideyoshi conquers the Philippines. Hideyoshi made concrete plans but sent an emissary the following year to Manila and demanded that the Spaniards become his vassals and pay tribute; otherwise he would invade the Philippines. He has just invaded Korea, and the poorly defended Spaniards could only reply that they sought friendship with Japan. Japanese ships entering Manila were checked thoroughly to make sure they carried no weapons. The Japanese community in Manila was disarmed and resettled outside Manila in a place called Dilao district. The next year, the Spaniards tried to guard their north flank by invading Taiwan but a typhoon thwarted that expedition. Later, Hideyoshi also sent a request to the Spanish authorities in the Philippines for shipbuilders but was refused by the Spaniards who realized that they will be used to build warships. The apprehensive Spaniards sought reinforcements from Mexico. 10 The Japanese were also suspicious of Spanish attempts to proselyte in Japan. This mutual suspicion - Spain fearing a Japanese invasion, Japan suspicious of Spanish evangelization and fearful that Japan might be involved in power conflicts in Europe- was to continue into the early 17th century."
^ Peter C. Mancall, ed (2007). The Atlantic World and Virginia, 1550-1624 (illustrated ed.). UNC Press Books. p. 228. ISBN 080783159X
^ CRUZ, Frei Gaspar da (auth.) and LOUREIRO, Rui Manuel (ed.). Tratado das Coisas da China (Evora, 1569-1570). Lisbon: Biblioteca editores Independentes, 2010, p. 177.
^ da Silva Ehalt, Romulo (2017). Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan (Thesis). Tesis Doctoral, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. p. 346.
^ MATSUDA Kiichi. Tensh? Ken’? Shisetsu. Tokyo: Ch?bunsha, 1991, pp. 274-5
^ a b c d デ ･サンデ 1590 天正遣欧使節記 新異国叢書 5 (泉井久之助他共訳）雄松堂書店、1969、p233-235
^ a b 岡田章雄『キリシタン・バテレン』至文堂、1955
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